Notwithstanding the handshakes, the general euphoria and the media ballyhoo, Palestinian hopes for a homeland have been dealt a devastating blow.
The “historic breakthrough” began with a carefully choreographed exchange of letters. First, Yasir- Arafat, Chairman of the PLO, sent a letter to Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin containing two essential points: First, the PLO’s recognition of the right of existence of the State of Israel; and second, a pledge to renounce violence against Israel and to discipline those within the PLO who would commit such violence.
Now, there is nothing new in the first point. The PLO has for some years officially recognized the State of Israel. Yet this recognition has not lessened Israel’s hostility to the PLO. Israel continued to refuse to recognize or to deal with the PLO and punished as traitors those Israelis who did. It is clear, then, that it is the second point that has opened the doors to agreement: Arafat has ordered an end to the intifada, an end to the Palestinian people’s mass struggle, that weapon which had succeeded in winning world sympathy, isolated Israel, caused fissures among the Western Powers, weakened support for Israel among the people of the United States, and caused divisions within the State of Israel itself.
Once receiving these assurances from Yasir Arafat, the Israeli Government then recognized…not the Palestinian state, not the Palestinian people’s national aspirations, but the PLO, that is, recognized a PLO that had agreed to end its resistance to Israel oppression and, in fact, had agreed to act as gendarmes against its own people. In other words, the Israel Government was prepared to recognize the PLO only after it had agreed to betray the Palestinian people, only when indeed it no longer represented the aspirations and interests of the Palestinian people.
The terms of the agreement have been widely reported and need not be detailed here. The heart of the accords is that the Israelis will gradually turn over to Palestinians administrative functions in the West Bank and Gaza, beginning with the tiny Gaza strip and the town of Jericho. But the Palestinians are not to exercise sovereignty over the land. In no way does this agreement provide land for peace, as Rabin had pledged in his election campaign, but
rather, an autonomy lacking many of the most essential features of national sovereignty.
The accords call for “self-government” covering the West Bank and Gaza for five years. In this period, Israel troops will not be withdrawn from the occupied territories but merely “redeployed.” Nothing prevents them from re-entering any areas should they decide their “security” interests require it. Palestinians shall have no jurisdiction over the Jewish settlers. Following this, there is supposed to be a permanent settlement “based on Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338.” But these resolutions make no mention of Palestinian statehood. And so what will be the nature of the permanent settlement? Whatever Israel agrees to. And the Israeli Government has made it clear it will never accept Palestinian statehood. The US Government opposes it as well. Moreover, the vital water resources of the occupied territories will be developed and allocated at the pleasure of the Israelis; the electricity will be provided through the largesse of the Israelis; transport and communications will be established at the discretion of the Israelis. Palestinian economic development will be guided by joint commissions of Palestinians and Israelis, meaning that the Israelis will permit only those Palestinian projects which meet Israeli objectives. It is easy to foresee the West Hank and Gaza becoming a lucrative zone of exploitation by Israeli and Western capital using cheap Palestinian labor.
And what of the millions of Palestinian refugees? What of those forced to flee during the 1948 war? Not a word. What of those who were forced to flee after the 1967 war? The Israelis will be the judge of how many and whom to let back in. Thus, even Arafat must ask for permission to go to Jericho, which demonstrates what kind of Palestinian “control” the agreement has in mind.
There are those who express “reservations” about the accords, point out elements of the agreement that are silent or ambiguous. We are told that there are still many questions to be resolved: the question of Palestinian statehood; the question of Israeli settlements; the question of Palestinian armed forces; the question of Jerusalem. Their analysis is filled with “On the one hand, but on the other hand. If things go this way it will be good, but if things go that way it will be bad.” They are adopting a “wait and see” attitude, similar to the wait-and-see attitude of a number of progressives toward the Clinton presidency, toward the “humanitarian” intervention in Somalia, and toward the Haitian political accords.
These people fail to understand that political processes have an iron logic. They are like those who having leaped off a cliff are pleased that “so far,” during the first few seconds, everything is going just fine. What is crucial here is that the questions which remain can only be resolved through Israeli acquiescence. But the only pressure which can force Israel to resolve these questions on the basis of justice for the Palestinians has been removed in advance! The intifada, the uprising, militant reistance, including armed struggle, is now precluded. That being the case, these unresolved questions become purely rhetorical, for the answers are predetermined.
It is easy to label as sell-outs men like Yasir Arafat and his associates. But more important than simple denunciation is an understanding of the forces which drive the Arafat group to bow down before the Israelis and the U.S. As has happened so many times in the past, one finds that the narrow class interests of the propertied and those who aspire to become propertied are placed above patriotism, above the national interests of the masses. When the Nazis swept through Europe, they found willing collaborators in every conquered country precisely among the big business interests and their political representatives. In the struggle to break the yoke of colonialism, the imperialists found similar allies
among the propertied interests of the oppressed nations, and today these interests work hand-in-glove with the imperialists in neocolonial arrangements, playing the role of comprador, or at best junior partner.
Arafat represents the ambitious Palestinian business and middle class interests that see the possibility of personal prosperity in conditions of Palestinian subordination. They are prepared to play the role of comprador and junior partner to Israeli, US, and European capital. They will be particularly valuable as traveling salesmen for Israel in the Arab world and anticipate high commissions in return. Of course, the Arab governments supporting these arrangements represent either semifeudal interests such as the elite of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia or the big bourgeoisie of Egypt.
Finally, there are those who, while not happy about the accords, see no alternative, given the present balance of power. To continue to resist would in their eyes simply lead to national suicide. But what is the reality? Are the odds indeed hopeless? We would point out these facts of the contemporary scene,
devastating in history:
- The world economic crisis is leading to intensification of inter-imperialist rivalries;
- The economic crisis is placing an ever-greater strain on the Israeli economy and will have the effect of intensifying its domestic political contradictions;
- The ever-tightening screws placed on the great majority of Third World nations by the IMF cannot but lead to increasing social and political conflict, eventual explosions, the ultimate effects of which will be to loosen imperialist control;
- The growing world economic crisis is weakening reactionary Arab regimes, including the oil-rich Saudi Arabia and Kuwait.
- The deepening crisis in the former socialist countries is creating enormous problems for the imperialist states, adding to their financial problems and leading possibly to military commitments that will further stretch their capacity to impose the New World Order.
In short, there is much that points to a coming shift in the world balance of forces. What is required, therefore, is the will to weather the present political storms and above all to keep the spirit of resistance alive.
The so-called peace accords reprsent a confession of impotence on the part of Arafat and his associates. It is a vote of no confidence in the ability of the Palestinian people to make their own future. It delivers the Palestinians into the hands of their enemies — the Zionists and US imperialism.
The US and the Israelis will find that it is not oxen-they have yoked, but bulls. And in the end, those who are now cracking the whip will themselves be trampled!
